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Gender, Families and Immigration in the Northwest

The Gender, Families, and Immigration in the Northwest (GFINW) Project will generate research and analysis about gender and family dynamics among changing immigrant communities in the Northwest and make that research accessible to and in conversation with policy makers, social service providers, and immigrant rights advocates.

Some of the on-going research projects are:

Also, please check out the newly released University of Oregon report: Understanding the Immigrant Experience in Oregon: Research, Analysis, and Recommendations from University of Oregon Scholars on the LERC site: http://www.uoregon.edu/~lerc/immreport.html. It is available in English and Spanish.

 

Mexican Immigrant Youth in the Western U.S. and Mexico
by Lynn Stephen

The United States is in the midst of a major demographic transition. While the numbers from the 2000 census issued a wake-up call for many by declaring that Latinos are now the largest “minority” in the U.S. with 12.5 percent of the population, little attention has been paid to Latino and specifically Mexican-immigrant youth (U.S. Census 2001). In five years, Latino youth will be 20 percent of the youth population and by 2050 Latino youth are expected to compromise 29 percent of the youth population nation-wide (Brindis, Driscoll et. al 2002). Oregon is no exception. In 2002, births to immigrants accounted for 21.7 percent of all births. A majority of these births were to mothers of Mexican origin suggesting the importance of the Mexican youth population in the state (Camarata 2005). In the next two decades, children born to Mexican immigrants and those who continue to arrive as child immigrants will make up a significant proportion of youth.

The presence of so many immigrants from a wide range of Latin American countries, but in the greatest numbers from Mexico has diversified the public space of many communities in Oregon and elsewhere on the west coast in terms of restaurants, businesses, schools, and cultural institutions as well as resulting in a wide range of civil society organizations including home-town federations that can incorporate thousands of members, religious-based organizations, and increasingly the representation of Latin American immigrants in the organized labor movement. My most recent work (Stephen 2004, forthcoming) and that of others (Fox 2005, Fox and Rivera Salgado 2004) has explored important differences within immigrant Mexican populations in the U.S.—by indigenous ethnicity for example. In this new project I will highlight the ways in which differential constructions of gender, ethnic, national, and racial identities among Mexican immigrant youth affect their experiences in the institutions they participate in such as schools, churches, sports clubs, cultural and political organizations, and how they view their participation in U.S. and Mexican civic life and institutions. While I expect most of my research to be in several towns in Oregon (Eugene, Springfield, Salem, Gresham) and in several communities in Oaxaca, Mexico that are contributing significant numbers of migrants to Oregon and where I have conducted previous research (the Mixtec communities of San Pedro Chayuco and San Agustín Atenango), this project may also involve additional work in sites in California such as Santa María, Fresno, and the greater Los Angeles area.

Specific research objectives:

a. Does the length of time immigrant youth have spent in Mexico prior to coming to the United States affect how they come to construct their identities in relation to other Mexican immigrants, to the broader category of “Latino,” and in relation to their desire to become naturalized citizens in the U.S?

b. Are immigrant youth likely to become active as voters in electoral politics if they have citizenship? Why or why not? What kinds of circumstances are likely to encourage their participation in U.S. electoral politics? In Mexican electoral politics?

c. How do youth continue to conceptualize and relate to their “home town” in Mexico? Do they visit? How often have they returned? How connected are they on a regular basis to people and networks from their home community? Where are these connections located? What have their experiences been if they returned to their home town to live or visit?

d. Does the length of time that youth have spent in the U.S. in relation to their age affect their participation in cultural and political organizing? How?

e.. What factors are important in either encouraging or discouraging youth from participating in cultural and political forms of organization?

f. . How do regional, ethnic, and gender differences among immigrant youth affect the ways in which they identify themselves and others? What kinds of gendered, racial, national, and ethnic categories do they deploy to describe themselves and others in their social circles in school, at work, in church, and in cultural and political organizations?

  • If youth are engaged in political and cultural organizing, what kinds of identity categories do they use in this work? Have these changed through time? How and why?
  • How has participation in the immigrant rights social movement of 2006 changed the perspective of Mexican immigrant youth?

Sources Cited:

References Cited

Brindis C.D., Driscoll A.K., Brigg, M.A., Valderrama L.T.
Fact Sheet on Latino Youth: Population. San Francisco: University of California, San Francisco, Center for Reproductive Health Research and Politics http://crhrp.ucsf.edu/publications/files/Latino.pop.pdf
Accessed November 20. 2005.

Comarta, Steven A.
2005 Births to Immigrants in America: 1970-2002. Center for Immigration Studies. Washington D.C.http://www.cis.org/articles/2005/back805.html
Accessed November 18, 2005.

Dávila, Arlene
Latinos, Inc. The Marketing and Making of a People. Berkeley: University of California Press.

De Genova, Nicholas
2005 Working the Boundaries: Race, Space, and “Illegality” in Mexican Chicago. Durham: Duke University Press.

De Genova, Nicholas and Ana Y. Ramos-Zayas
2003b Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship. New York: Routledge

Fox, Jonathan
2005 “Unpacking Transnational Citizenship.” Annual Reviews in Political Science. 8:171-201.
N.d. Reframing Mexican Migration as a Multi-Ethnic Process. Manuscript.

Fox, Jonathan and Gaspar Rivera Salgado
2004b Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States, La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, University of California, San Diego.

Hayes-Bautista, David
La Nueva California: Latinos in the Golden State. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Huizar Murillo, Javier and Isidro Cerda
Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the 2000 U.S. Census: “Hispanic American Indians.” In Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States, Jonathan Fox and Gaspar Rivera-Salgado (eds.), pp. 279-303. La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, University of California, San Diego.

Kearney, Michael
2000 Transnational Oaxaca Indigenous Identity: The Case of Mixtecs and Zapotecs. Identities 7, no. 2.:173-95.

Rodríguez, Clara E.
2000 Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and The History of Ethnicity in the United States. New York: New York University Press.

Smith, Robert
2005 Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press

Stephen, Lynn

  • Forthcoming. Transborder Lives: Indigenous Oaxaca Migrants in Mexico and the U.S . Durham and London: Duke University Press.
  • 2004 Mixtec Farmworkers in Oregon: Linking Labor and Ethnicity through Farmworker Unions and Hometown Associations. In Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States, Jonathan Fox and Gaspar Rivera-Salgado (eds.), pp. 1-24. La Jolla, CA @ Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego. 2004.

U.S. Census Bureau
2001 The Hispanic Population 2000. Washington D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration. http://www.census.gov/prod/2001pubs/c2kbr01-3.pdf
Accessed November 20, 2005.

Velasco, Laura
2002 El regreso de la comunidad: migración indígena y agentes étnicos: Los Mixtecos en la frontera México-Estados Unidos. Mexico City: El Colegio de México/El Colegia de la Frontera Norte.

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Integration of Latino Immigrants in Rural Oregon
A Research Proposal submitted by Marcela Mendoza and Lynn Stephen

Project Summary
The researchers involved in this project propose to study the process of social, economic, and civic integration of Latino immigrants in rural Oregon. During the first phase, we will focus our research on Junction City, a town of about 4,700 residents considered nonmetro by the Lane County Commission. During the second phase, we plan to extend our study to Harrisburg, a city about 2,800 in Linn County, and Monroe, a city of about 600 in Benton County. In this tri-county nonmetro area, long-time residents as well as more recent Latino immigrants are linked by economic and social ties (commuting, employment, shopping, socializing, and recreation).

Although the self-reported ancestry of the majority of the population in the tri-county nonmetro area is German, Scandinavian, Danish, English, Irish, and other European descent, Latinos now account for 5 to 10 percent of the total population (US Census 2000; see Favrholdt 1996; Rasmussen and Larsen 1998). Most Latinos in the area are foreign-born Mexicans. They are employed in low-skill jobs and their labor force is in great demand. Mexican families have school-age children who now account for most of the minority students in the school districts of those rural areas.

Using interviews, ethnographic observation, surveys, and analysis of data sources, we aim to document: a) the reception given to Latino workers and their families by long-term residents, public officials, and civic and religious organizations; and b) how Latino workers and their families are becoming integrated to the communities. To this end, we will examine questions related to employment, housing, schooling, health care, social interactions and perceived quality of life among immigrants and other residents. We will interview Latinos and long-term residents, public officials, administrators, business owners, and employers. We expect to produce a thorough description of the situation followed by recommendations to foster communication and positive social interactions. We also aim to promote initiatives that would advance immigrant integration and participation in the social fabric of the communities in which they have settled.

Background Information on the Research Sites
Since 1980, the Latino/Hispanic population in rural America has grown exponentially, making Latinos the fastest growing minority group in nonmetropolitan areas (Kandel and Cromatie 2004). As in many other counties in Oregon, Lane, Linn, and Benton experienced a greater than 100 percent change in the nonmetro Latino population between 1990 and 2000 (USDA 2005:2). Although these new immigrants account for a small proportion of the overall nonmetro population, their labor force is in great demand. They are employed in agriculture and also in manufacturing, construction, and services—the proportion of the rural labor force employed in manufacturing is now nearly double that in agriculture, and many rural areas have become thriving centers of retirement and recreation (Johnson 2006).

While in previous decades Mexican farmworkers in Oregon have been mostly transient men (Gamboa and Buan 1995), today Mexican married couples settle with children, some of whom are foreign-born while others are born in the United States. These families’ successful civic participation in the life of the small towns in which they settle will depend on their thriving social and economic integration. The presence of second generation Latino youth is already felt in the schools. Minority students now account for 11.8 percent of students in the Junction City School District, 13.6 percent in Harrisburg School District, and 22.4 percent in Monroe School District (Oregon Department of Education 2004-2005). Mexican entrepreneurs have started small ethnic business in Junction City—these are family businesses that cater mostly to the ethnic market. Many immigrant families have joined churches that offer bilingual religious services. The Tri-County News weekly newspaper has started publishing advertisement in Spanish—“se habla español.” According to Pelkey (2006), the Public Library Branch in Monroe has now the largest collection of Spanish-language materials in Benton County, outside of Corvallis.

These rural communities are a microcosm of the growing diversity that the new Latino immigration has brought to the state. Because they are dealing with the recent arrival of Spanish-speaking families, long-term rural residents may be more keenly aware of sudden changes taking place in their communities than urban residents might be in large metropolitan areas. For example, in a recent survey of quality of life in Junction City, some 85 residents said that “acceptance of diversity” is favorable in the community, while about 65 residents responded that acceptance is unfavorable (Soroptimist and Leighton 2005). We anticipate many opportunities for observing and documenting both resistance to as well as acceptance of the new Latino neighbors in rural communities.

Description of Participants
The p articipants are adult first-generation immigrants from Latin America, male and female, who are currently living Junction City, Harrisburg, and Monroe; and other (non-Latino) male and female adult long-term residents in the same locations. The subjects will be recruited through personal contacts we have in the immigrant community, and also through references provided by residents, functionaries in City Hall, school personnel, civic organizations, and religious groups.

Methodology
During the first phase of this study, the Principal Investigators and one student research assistant will carry out field work in Junction City. We will arrange for interviews with Latinos and other residents, public officials, school personnel, police, business owners, employers, members of civic organizations and religious groups. To interview Latinos we will use a Spanish-language questionnaire that elicits demographic information, migration experience, labor force participation, and comments on community resources and quality of life—such as housing, employment, transportation, recreation, neighborhoods, infrastructure, shopping, etc. (see sample questions in Appendix I). With long-term residents we will use a questionnaire that elicits demographic information, ancestry, awareness of local diversity, and attitudes toward immigrants. We will also conduct ethnographic observations in public places, and will map instances of residential separation between Latinos and non-Latinos, as well as immigrants’ residential clustering. Our preliminary report will highlight: a) the impact of the Latino population growth in Junction City; b) the barriers that Latinos may encounter in the process of becoming part of the community; and c) the prospects for economic well-being and social integration of Latino workers and their families in the area.

In the second phase, we will extend this research to the cities of Harrisburg and Monroe, using the same methodology. Two graduate student assistants will collaborate in this second phase of the research.

The third and final phase will include a report and comprehensive evaluation of the integration of Latino immigrants in the tri-county nonmetro area, comparing our data to published sources on the integration of Latino immigrants in Woodburn ( Marion County), a well-studied immigrant destination for the past several decades.

Potential Benefits
Currently our nation is in the midst of a far-reaching political controversy about immigration policy. Local residents in rural Oregon are well aware of the impact that new Latino immigrants have in their communities. To carry out a constructive dialogue on the social and economic integration of immigrant workers and their families, we need to become better informed about these immigrants’ experiences, what the native-born residents’ experiences have been, how the communities have responded to the challenges of socioeconomic transformation, and what opportunities for civic participation are offered to the newcomers.

Local communities—residents, municipal government, public institutions such as schools and libraries, and non-profit organizations need to implement innovative problem-solving approaches to respond to the social challenges stemming from immigrant integration. Positive community discussion and involvement, when focused on problem-solving not controversy, can lead to effective strategies to address common civic concerns. Immigrant leaders can be called upon to facilitate communication, mediate in conflictive situations, and contribute to the process of social integration.

Towards that end, this project will have the following potential benefits: (a) it will generate new knowledge regarding the integration of Latino immigrants in rural communities using an ethnographic research approach; (b) it will expand residents and policymakers’ understanding of the contributions as well as the constraints faced by new immigrants in rural communities; and (c) through time it will engage rural residents in learning collaboratively about how to promote the successful incorporation of their Latino neighbors.

The data gathered in the first phase of this research will provide the basis for assessing the reception of Latinos by the broader community in Junction City, and to evaluate the relation between this reception and the experiences of Latinos as they seek to carve out a space for themselves in the city. The assessment of this data will be made available to local policymakers who will subsequently be invited to participate in consultations with the PIs to explore the significance and implications of the research. A longer term contribution will involve collaborative cross-cultural learning which will be facilitated through formal (i.e. workshops) and informal (i.e. cultural events) means.

References

Favrholdt, Visti. 1996. Junction City to Denmark, a Boyhood Journey. Richmond, Canada: Danish American Heritage Society.

Gamboa, Erasmo and Carolyn M. Buan. 1995. Nosotros, The Hispanic People of Oregon. Portland, OR: The Oregon Council for the Humanities.

Johnson, Kenneth. 2006. Rural America Undergoing a Diversity of Demographic Change. Population Reference Bureau, May. (Available at www.prb.org)

Soroptimist International of Junction City and Mike Leighton. 2005. Junction City Area Citizen Survey Analysis. Prepared for the Mayor and City Council (Available at www.ci.junction-city.or.us)

Kandel, W. and J. Cromatie. 2004. New Patterns of Hispanic Settlement in Rural America. USDA Rural Development Research Report 99.

Oregon Department of Education. 2004-2005. School District Profile (Available at www.ode.state.or.us)

Pelkey, Lori. Staff Librarian of the Monroe Community Library personal communication, May 2006.

Rasmussen, Gerald and Otto N. Larsen. 1998. Oregon Danish Colony. Ethnic Assimilation in Junction City 1902-1952. Junction City, OR: Danish American Heritage Society.

U.S. Bureau of the Census. 2000. County/City Statistics. (Available at www.census.gov)

USDA. 2005. Rural Hispanics at Glance. Economic Information Bulletin Num. 8.

USDA. 1997. Race and Ethnicity in Rural Areas. Rural Conditions and Trends 9(2):9-13.

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Gender, Families and Immigration in the Northwest (project home page)

Women in the Northwest Research Initiative (index page)

Center for the Study of Women in Society
340 Hendricks Hall
1201 University of Oregon
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Phone: (541) 346-5015
Fax: (541) 346-5096
csws@uoregon.edu